Black KKK imitations
Below is a fairly long excerpt about the original Klan and its source. This book can be purchased through this link http://confederatereprint.com/product_info.php?cPath=31&products_id=54. This excerpt tells how some Black folks in those days used the disguise of the Klan to execute revenge, the settling of old grudges against some of their own race. This just goes to show that people are still people. Understanding the book is not all about this particular subject, Black imitators, still it is a book all Southerners ought to have, and have read. For what good is it to own brand new tools if they remain unused.
Please place this very important information on your very important SHNV news letter.
Jimmy L. Shirley Jr.
Subject: Black KKK members
Date: Monday, August 31, 2009
From the book, INVISIBLE EMPIRE
– The Story of the Ku Klux Klan 1866-1871
by Stanley F. Horn
Houghton Mifflin Company • Boston The Riverside Press 1938 • Pages 369-377
The Enquirer carried a report of the conference with Major Merrill, and in an editorial deploring the disturbances which had brought the troops there referred to the Ku Klux Law which had recently been enacted by Congress. The editorial concluded: ‘The Ku Klux Act comprehends all persons found in disguise, or in unlawful assemblies on the highways, or on the premises of another. This act will be enforced, and rigidly enforced; and unless our people at once determine that there must be no further acts of violence in the county, we will’soon have occasion to observe the practical operations of the law in its utmost severity and with all its unpleasant consequences.’
Evidently this appeal was in vain, however, for on March 9 there appeared in the Enquirer what the editor designated as a ‘Ku Klux Manifesto, which he stated had been received by him through the mail. This document was headed ‘Extract of Minutes,’ and said:
Article I. Whereas there are malicious and evil-disposed persons who endeavor to perpetrate their malice, serve notices, and make threats under the cover of our august name, now we warn all such bogus organizations that we will not allow of any interference. Stop it!
Article 2. There shall be no interference with any honest, decent, well-behaved person, whether white or black; and we cordially invite all such to continue at their appropriate labor,’ and they shall be protected therein by the whole power of this organization. But we do intend that the intelligent, honest white people (the tax-payers) of this county shall rule it! We can no longer put up with negro rule, black bayonets, and a miserably degraded and thievish set of law-makers, (God save the mark!) the scum of the earth, the scrapings of creation. We are pledged to stop it; we are determined to end it, even if we are ‘forced by force to use force.’
Article 3. Our attention having been called to the letter of one Rose, county treasurer of York, we brand it as a lie! Our lieutenant was ordered to arrest him, that he might be tried on alleged charges of incendiarism (and if convicted he will be executed). But there were no shots fired at him and no money stolen; that is not in our line; the legislature of the state of South Carolina have a monopoly in that line.
By command of our chief Official K.K.K., A.A.G. .
The activities of the false Ku Klux gave the true Klan much trouble in South Carolina, as in other parts of the South, and a good part of their time was spent in looking after offenses of this kind. In the spring of I870 two unscrupulous white men in Union County sold a set of tools to a negro blacksmith, and then went to his shop one night, along with two of their friends, all dressed in Ku Klux disguise, and took the tools away from the negro. The genuine Ku Klux heard about this and they promptly ascertained the identity of the guilty white men, went to them and made them give the tools back to the negro blacksmith.
Two desperadoes named James R. Mullens and F. R. Cudd, living in the Pacolet River district of the state, were reported to be operating at the head of a band of counterfeit Ku Klux, whipping negroes and levying blackmail. This brought forth a public proclamation from the Cyclops of the local Den stating that there were spurious Ku Klux at work in that territory and that if they did not desist they would be violently dealt with. The depredations continued, whereupon the official Ku Klux visited the homes of Mullens and Cudd one night, called them out and said to them: ‘You have been disguising yourselves and going over the county whipping negroes and alarming the people, and we intend to stop it. Bring your disguises here.’ They took the disguises and burned them, and then took them out and administered a severe beating of 150 lashes to each of them.
‘They claim a monopoly of that kind of rough justice, apparently,’ commented one of the investigating Senators dryly when told of this episode; and this was indeed the fact. The Ku Klux of Union County, for example, stopped at nothing in carrying out their own decrees; but they were extremely jealous of their self-constituted authority, and when spurious Ku Klux began to make their appearance in that section the genuine Klan posted the following stern notice on the courthouse door:
Headquarters K. K. K. Department of S. C.
General Order No. 49 from the G. G. C., SS –
We delight not in speech, but there is language which, when meant in earnest, becomes desperate. We raise the voice of warning, ‘Beware! Beware!’ Persons there are (and not unknown to us) who, to gratify some private grudge or selfish end, like Wheeler’s men, so-called, are executing their low, paltry and pitiful designs at the expense not only of the noble creed we profess and act, but also to the great trouble and annoyance of their neighbors in various communities. We stay our hand for once; but if such conduct as frightening away laborers, robbery and connivance at the secrets of our organization is repeated, then the mockers must suffer and the traitors meet their merited doom. We dare not promise what we do not perform. We want mischief. Guthrie was also accused of sending Ku Klux warning notices to himself, permitting him thereby to pose as a martyr.
In April, 1868, one of the Tennessee papers boldly stated that ‘Brownlow sent one of his Ku Klux in the shape of a negro preacher to burn a meeting house of the Loyal Leagues. Brownlow intended to lay the blame on the Ku Klux, but unfortunately for him his pet was caught by some negroes who now have him in charge.’
It was about this time that the Radical Press and Times in Nashville carried a news item telling of the burning of a negro school near Carthage, definitely charging it to the Ku Klux, who, they said, ‘notified the teachers in a bloody handwriting,’ with a coffin at the head of the letter, ‘that they should suffer death unless they went north where they belonged.’ Investigation revealed, however, so another Nashville paper reported, that the schoolhouse was burned by members of the Loyal League as a result of a quarrel with another faction of negroes in the community. A Carthage committee investigated’ the matter and reported that ‘It is a mixed fight of negroes and their white assistants.’ But it was reported in the Northern press as another horrible Ku Klux outrage.
It is a matter of speculation to what extent the demise of the Klan was hastened by the restrictive legislation aimed at it. Practically all the states embraced in the Invisible Empire passed Ku Klux laws of varying severity, and in 1871 the United States Congress enacted similar legislation modeled after the North Carolina law. Seldom has a more despotic piece of legislation disgraced the statute books of the United States. By this act the Constitutional guarantees of the states were ruthlessly set aside; the Federal courts were given jurisdiction over the charges of assault, robbery and murder, with means provided through which the juries could be (and were) effectively packed; and the President was authorized to declare martial law and to suspend the writ of habeas corpus whenever he chose. This infamous ‘Force Bill’ was roundly denounced in Congress and elsewhere, North and South, by Democrats and also by Republicans. Senators Schurz and Trumbull, partisans though ‘they were, spoke strongly against it while it was under consideration in the Senate; and James A. Garfield assailed it in the House. Joining in the chorus of criticism was General W. T. Sherman, then commander of the United States Army, who at a public entertainment in New Orleans said: ‘I probably have as good means of information as most people in regard to what is called the Ku Klux. . . . If Ku Klux bills were kept out of Congress and the Army kept at their legitimate duties, there are enough good men in the South to put down all Ku Klux or other marauders.’
Hundreds of alleged Ku Klux were arrested under the terms of this Federal law, most of whom were never brought to trial, although a handful were finally convicted and sent to prison for short terms. The rigorous enforcement of this law, along with the terror created by the wholesale arrests, may have served to dampen the ardor of the Ku Klux in some localities, especially in the Carolinas; but, in general, the Klan’s disintegration closely paralleled the disappearance of the conditions which brought it into being. The Ku Klux Klan could hardly be accused of fear or timidity. They had operated under the noses of an army of occupation for three years or more, in successful disregard of all efforts to confound and frustrate them. The mere enactment of a proscriptive law would not in itself have served suddenly to strike terror into the hearts of an organization of such hardihood and cause them to curl up and quit. As conditions began to right themselves, however, and as irresponsible members and non-members of the Klan began to use the Ku Klux disguise improperly, the leaders in the organization, as well as those originally in sympathy with its purposes, began to express doubts as to the advisability of continuing it.
The feeling of the conservative and responsible people of the South at this time was reflected in an open letter addressed ‘To the Ku Klux Organization’ which ex-Governor Neill S. Brown published in the Nashville Banner early in 1869, urging them to desist and disband. ‘I do not know the purpose of your organization,’ wrote Governor Brown, ‘nor am I aware of your masters. I never saw one of your body to know him. I have heard a thousand and one stories of your outrages, very many of which I believe to have been exaggerated.’ But, he went on, whatever may have been their motives at the beginning, admitting the insecurity of life and property, those times had passed away and, he concluded: ‘We must have peace, and law and order.’
Even such a stalwart Southerner as B. H. Hill of Georgia, in an interview given to a traveling correspondent of the Cincin- nati Commercial in November, 1871, said: ‘The Ku Klux business . . . is the greatest blunder our people ever committed.’ He expressed the belief that men originally went into the Klan believing that was the only way to protect themselves and their families against criminals; but, he said, bad men had taken advantage of the situation and had used the Ku Klux cloak for private vengeance, robbery and plunder, negroes as well as white men engaging in such outrages. Going a step further he said: ‘I believe that some of these outrages were actually perpetrated by the political friends of the parties slain, for the purpose of manufacturing a feeling at the North against the South and producing a reconstruction of the state.’
This was a serious charge of heinous and almost unbelieveable depravity, but there were a good many people who believed it. Also, there was a widespread belief, in the North as well as in the South, that the reports of Ku Klux outrages were very greatly exaggerated in the North, for political purposes. Follow- ing the election of Grant in November, 1868, there was a sudden and noticeable falling off in the reports of Ku Klux activities. The Radicals ascribed this to the righteous fear that was thrown into the Rebels’ hearts by the victory of the Republicans; but the Conservative press boldly charged that the pre-election reports of terror and maltreatment had been largely manufactured for political purposes. The Louisville Courier Journal remarked that ‘The Radicals have a large supply of "Ku Klux" outrages left over after the election,’ going on to say that ‘the St. Louis Democrat accounts for having exhausted its quota of outrages by noticing the report of the Ku Klux having closed the assassination department of their concern and being about to hold on a while until they can learn the wishes of the High Morose Cyclops.’
But gradually the reports of Ku Klux outrages grew less and less frequent until mention of them finally disappeared from the pages of the daily papers, this for the simple reason that the Klan itself had ceased to exist and with it its works. For the date of its death, as for its birth, it is impossible to ascribe a specific day and month and year. It was; and then it was not – no man could say when the one condition ended and the other began.
It was organized for a definite purpose – the protection of the Southern white people during the years when they had no other protection, and the prevention of the political overmastery of the white citizens by the blacks. In achieving its purposes it adopted sometimes heroic, illegal methods; but there was no question in their minds as to the fact that the end justified the means. Realizing the inherent dangers of such a powerful engine of regulation, they ceased its use as soon as it had served their purpose, their original objectives fairly well attained.
So lived and so died the Ku Klux Klan. It made its name a symbol of terror and desperation. There are today many thousands of Americans who think of it as an indefensible gang of outlaws and murderers. But ask any person who lived in the South during that wild nightmare called the Reconstruction and who saw the Klansmen as they went about their self- appointed task, ask such a one and from the light in his eyes it will be easy to see that the Klan in his memory is clad in shining armor,
sans peur et sans reproche. (without fear and without reproach)