Tuesday, July 26, 2011


The 1848ers: Communists Then Helped Set the Stage for War and the New World Order
by Joan Hough

Part I of a Critique of Hochbruck’s “Actundvierziger”

Appearing now on the free pages of genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry is a genealogy article written by Professor Wolfgang Hochbruck entitled: “Achtundvierziger” in den Armeen der Union: Eine vorlaufige Liste” (“Forty-eighters in the Union Armies: A Preliminary Checklist”)

Hochbruck’s article publicizing the military activities of his fellow Germans—and surprisingly, some of their Communist connections—can be found translated into English at http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~dettweiler/genweb/e006.htm.

Hochbruck declares that his purpose for publicizing the activities of the 48ers is to resurrect the German reputation for bravery. He presents an impressive listing of 142 German U.S. Union soldiers, mostly Generals and Colonels, together with brief histories of these men. Concluding that all were very brave men and deserve accolades, Hochbruck contends that the presence of these Germans in America, in the Republican Party, and in the Civil War is greatly underrated and vastly unappreciated by American historians and journalists.

Before proceeding with the reading of this critique of Hochbruck’s work, it should be noted that Hochbruck presents only a one sided German story. He fails to mention that there were many, many wonderful American citizens of German lineage who fought with the greatest of bravery for the righteous cause of the Confederacy. In addition, there were Germans who came directly from Germany to fight for the South. Hochbruck either does not know of these valiant German-American warriors or refused to accord them the honors they deserve, perhaps because they did not possess the Communist-Marxist ideology of those he chose to eulogize.

The Germans who came directly from Germany to the South just to fight for Confederate liberty, unlike those who went to the north, did not come to swap their battle skills for three meals a day and the promise of loot, citizenship, and Southern land. They were not released from some European jail and forced to leave their native land. Instead, they braved Union blockades to reach the Confederate States, while knowing that they would not be fighting in regiments with thousands of other Germans who spoke their language. They fought skillfully, bravely, and with great zeal. They fought because they believed THE SOUTH WAS RIGHT.

After by sheer numbers, imported Socialists, and vast amounts of munitions, the U.S.A. won its war by killing the majority of Southern males and murdering Southern women and children, some of the South’s own warrior-Germans returned to Germany. Among these noble men was Johann Heinrich Heros von Boreke, recognized by Confederates for his great valor.

[i] [i] Boreke was General Jeb Stuart’s chief of Staff. Having been shot in his throat and lungs before Gettysburg, Boreke did not participate in his General’s final battle at Yellow Tavern. Later, with tears in his eyes, Johann stood beside the bed of Jeb Stuart and said good-bye to his dying friend. Then, saddled with a lifetime injury, Boreke returned home to Germany and, with great pride and a heavy heart, placed the beautiful Confederate battle flag in front of his house. [ii] [II]

Baron Maximilian von Meulnier was another German who had a deep devotion to the Confederacy. Other Germans also came to America to risk their lives for the Southern cause. [iii] These gifted warriors were few in number compared with the thousands upon thousands direct from Germany to the north, but the new Germans for the South fought as valiantly as once had their Viking ancestors. After the South’s defeat, they returned to their native lands, taking with them—so different from the north’s imported hired guns, not a single stolen wedding band, or a single earring torn from a ripped away woman’s ear. Union soldiers’ propensity for and manner of acquiring such loot was recorded in sworn testimony taken in Louisiana. [iv][IV]

In his genealogy article, Hochbruck presents the records of Union soldiers who came to America from Germany and other states in Europe after the failure of their Socialist Revolution. He reports: “During the American Civil War, more than 180,000 German-born men fought in the Union armies East and West, plus tens of thousands of Austrians, Poles, Hungarians, and Czechs. Out of this number possibly up to an estimated five thousand had previously served in the revolutionary armies and insurrections in Baden, the Palatinate, in Hungary, the Rhineland, Transylvania, Poland, Bohemia, Berlin, or Saxony.”

Hochbruck declares that these soldiers fought in Europe “to free people from oppression.” According to Hochbruck, as revolutionaries, these Germans joined in the Europe-wide movement of “republican revolutionism.” He continues, “After the last of the European revolutions had been subjugated, many of these early internationalists fled or emigrated to the United States.” He asserts, “The failure of their revolutionary hopes in Europe did not prevent them from taking arms again in 1861 to defend the very principles they had fought for in 1848 and 1849: Union, freedom and democracy.” Hochbruck contends, “Many of them made conscious connection between the two wars.”

The word “Union” is interesting as a German 1800s concept — if Hochbruck is correct in assuming that word was actually in use in Europe by the revolutionaries during that time. But even more interesting is the use of the word “Democracy.” Democracy and Socialism were both scorned as types of government by the U.S. founding fathers that created the United States government as a Republic. Democracy was seen as “mobocracy” destined to turn into Socialism—a progression noted by Frederic Bastiat in his The Law.

Hochbruck considers American impressions of German 48ers totally false. He concludes that such impressions issue from an Anglo-American press comprised of writers with “neo-Confederate” sympathies. He declares that a “tainted image” of Germans (the “Dutch”) as cowardly soldiers has been held and presented by “every generation of American scholars.” He wrote his article with the intention of correcting all of these prejudiced impressions. He finds nothing whatsoever objectionable, but all highly laudatory, about the actions of the 48ers whom he calls "Internationalists. (Americans today might term those same 48ers as New World Order proponents or as COMMUNISTS or Marxists.)

Among the almost two hundred Revolutionary Germans in the Republican Union Army, whose bravery Hochbruck is determined to substantiate, are men identified as Socialists/Marxists not only by Hochbruck but also by noted “truth sayer-historians” Walter D. Kennedy and Al Benson in their book which exposes Communism’s actions under Mr. Lincoln’s scepter. [v] Although only two of Hochbruck’s valiant Germans are mentioned in Part I of the present Critique, in Part II will be found a brief look at a larger number of the socialists/communists clearly identified as such by Hochbruck . Part II also contains additional information concerning these Germans—information made available by Kennedy and Benson.

Attesting to the Communism of Union Colonel FRITZ ANNEKE, Hochbruck goes against the politically correct historians’ zeitgeist by telling the truth that ANNEKE was a member of the “Deutscher Kommunisten, Marx/Engels circle,” however, he relates this membership, not to censor, but to praise. Hochbruck elaborates: “FRITZ ANNEKE published a book under the title Der Zweite Freiheitskampf (the Second War for Liberty).” (Anneke was NOT writing about the successful American Revolution as the First War but about the failed Socialist Revolution in Europe. His “second war” was that of Mr. Lincoln’s.)

Hochbruck recognizes and admires Anneke’s personal relationship with Karl Marx. As all know, Marx and his friend Engels collaborated and produced the COMMUNIST MANIFESTO, a document which commanded many things, including the creation of public education [VI] as an ideal method of distributing their all-powerful government’s brainwash to the masses. Communists were encouraged to foment racial hatred and create a compulsory and progressive Income tax. (The U.S. had no income tax in its history until after Marx’s Manifesto.) Upon the completion of the Communist Manifesto, the group that paid for it relinquished the name of Illuminati and renamed themselves “Communists.”[VII]

Abe Lincoln made Communist Fritz Anneke a Colonel of the Wisconsin Volunteers in the Republican Union Army. Hochbruck tells us this but does not tell us that Anneke was given a court-martial and dismissed in 1863. [VIII] (Something decidedly unusual had to be involved for one of Lincoln’s favorites to receive such treatment.)
Something else Hochbruck fails to share with us is that after FRIEDRICH (Fritz) ANNEKE fled to America, he was tried in absentia in Europe and “condemned to death in ’contumacia’ for his role in leading the Baden rebellion.”[IX]

Hochbruck praises the efforts of the Marxists and informs the reader: “The fact is that these veterans of the European revolutions were an early ‘International Brigade,’ and that their effort bridges the gap between European failures and American success of the world-wide democratic project, has been all but ignored.”

Historical truth shines forth in Hochbruck’s words—perhaps for the first time for some readers. There can be no denying that Communist goals helped create a victorious Republican army. The evidence is strong that these goals were prime movers in the invasion of the South by Lincoln and in the bringing to America of vast numbers of foreigners, especially Germans, to win Mr. Lincoln’s war. No stone was left unturned in Europe by these Marxists, including the emptying of Europe’s jails and the exporting of the prisoners to serve in the Union army.( Present-day descendents have enshrined their Marxist U.S. soldier ancestors with golden memories of magnificent deeds accomplished—all for the good of America, of course.)

Hochbruck declares that in 1848 the new-to-America Germans had fought in Europe for “Union, freedom, and democracy.”(The word “Democracy” appears nowhere in the Declaration of Independence, the State Constitutions, the Articles of Confederation, or the U.S. Constitution. One can only wonder where the word became so popular. Perhaps in Germany?)

From a careful reading of the works of new, politically incorrect historians and government analysts, and of the actual words of President Jeff Davis and President Abraham Lincoln and the Corwin Amendment passed by both houses of Congress (ratified rather rapidly by Ohio and Maryland and still on the books), it becomes evident that eliminating slavery was not the real reason Lincoln’s army invaded the South and began the war.

Lincoln contended his war was simply to hold the Union together by force, but, in reality, it was to stop the South from resisting the conversion of the United States into a Socialist State via the creation of its requisite, an all powerful central government.

The Hochbruck Ancestry article should be desired reading for anyone with an eagerness to know the real motives behind the so-called “Civil” War. It presents a view of the war seen through the eyes of a great admirer of the high ranking German Marxist-Socialist soldiers who served in the army of the United States of America. There may, however, be somewhat of a shock when the reader discovers that Hochbruck, the great admirer, declares honestly and sincerely that the “Civil War” was a welcomed continuation of the Socialist Revolution in Europe.

[I] “Prussian Confederate Veteran Receives Stone Marker and the Southern Cross of Honor,” Palmetto Partisan: The Official Journal of the South Carolina Division of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, February 2009.[II] Ibid.[III] Ibid.[IV] David C. Edmonds, ed., The Conduct of Federal Troops in Louisiana During the Invasions of 1863 and 1864: Official Report, 1988: (Lafayette, Louisiana, Acadiana Press), p. 40.[V] Walter d. Kennedy and Al Benson, Jr., Red Republicans and Lincoln’s Marxists: Marxism in the Civil War (New York: iUniverse, Inc., 2007).[VI] Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (New York: New American Library, 1998).[VII] William H. Mcllhany, “A Primer on the Illuminati,” New American, June 22, 2009. pp. 231-36.[VIII] Kennedy and Benson, Ibid, p. 123.[IX] ibid

On The Web:   http://shnv.blogspot.com/2011/07/48ers.html